A Straight‑Talk Blog from Rosie

Affordability, Taxes, and What Actually Works for Downstate Illinois — A Direct Response to Rep. Amy Elik

Rep. Amy Elik has been telling our neighbors:

“People in my district know they can go just across the river and pay less for gas, groceries, and property taxes and many are making that choice. In Missouri, lawmakers are even working toward eliminating the state income tax by identifying responsible budget cuts. That’s what responsible government looks like… The people in power in Illinois thirst for more revenue and will do everything they can to get it. Even though our residents are already among the highest taxed in the nation, the Democratic majority continues to ask for more.”

There’s a lot packed into that quote. Let’s deal with it honestly, and let’s focus on what will lower costs for families in Alton, Wood River, Granite City, East Alton, Bethalto, Godfrey, Roxana, Hartford, South Roxana, and Venice.

“Just move across the river” isn’t a plan. Fixing what drives costs here is.

Yes, Illinois families shoulder a heavy overall tax burden—especially because of property taxes. Independent rankings consistently place Illinois among higher‑burden states in total state‑local taxes, with property levies as a core driver. That’s a real pain point, and we should say so plainly.

But telling people to move isn’t leadership. Leadership is fixing the biggest cost drivers where we live: property taxes, commute costs, and the hidden costs that hit working families when public systems break. That’s why, when Illinois faced a transit fiscal cliff that would have triggered deep service cuts and higher household costs, lawmakers stabilized the system without statewide tax increases—using region‑specific tools in the Chicago area and existing revenue re‑allocations. That decision prevented a new cost shock for families and employers across the state, including Downstate.

(And for anyone worried about a stealth statewide tax bump: the transit law relies on a 0.25% sales tax only in Cook and the collar counties, a diversion of a portion of motor‑fuel sales tax and Road Fund interest, and potential toll changes limited to northern Illinois tollways, subject to the Tollway Board. That is not a broad, statewide tax hike.)

Even commentary exploring the politics of “affordability” acknowledges it’s a complicated set of tradeoffs. Slogans won’t lower a single bill; sober math and targeted fixes will.

“Eliminate the income tax like Missouri”? Look past the headline.

Rep. Elik points to Missouri’s discussion of reducing or eliminating its state income tax. The question for Downstate isn’t who has the flashiest talking point—it’s who can protect your services and your pocketbook at the same time. Cutting a revenue pillar without a concrete replacement often leads to higher local fees and property taxes, sudden service cuts, or higher borrowing costs that hit families in different—and sometimes worse—ways.

That’s why the Illinois transit rescue matters as an example of doing it right: avoid a broad statewide tax hike, use regional funding and existing sources, and prevent a cost spiral that would have hurt workers, small businesses, and logistics corridors that Downstate depends on.

The facts on “Democrats thirst for more revenue.”

In the most urgent fiscal test of 2025, the state stabilized transit without new statewide taxes—something mainstream reporting documented repeatedly. That’s a real-world counterpoint to the idea that the majority’s first instinct is always “raise taxes.”

Do we still have big affordability issues?

Absolutely—particularly property taxes and certain local costs. Independent data confirms that’s the area where families feel the most pressure. The honest path is to reduce those pressures with structural reforms, not to chase people to another state.

What I will do for Downstate Illinois (and what Rep. Elik should join me in doing)

A. Cut the property‑tax burden the right way.
We need a bipartisan package that:

  • grows the Evidence‑Based Funding formula so districts rely less on property taxes,

  • delivers targeted homeowner/senior relief, and

  • pairs relief with pension buy‑down tools and procurement reforms so local governments actually spend less over time.

That combination goes at the real driver of Illinois’ high burden.

B. Protect our roads and bridges while we fund transit.
The transit law redirected portions of motor‑fuel sales taxes and Road Fund interest. Downstate has every right to demand project‑level transparency so IDOT keeps our bridges, resurfacing, and river crossings on schedule. I will push a statutory “no surprises” reporting requirement—quarterly dashboards that flag any slippage tied to revenue shifts and propose corrective plans. That’s how you protect Downstate while avoiding statewide tax hikes.

C. Turn new Downstate transit dollars into on‑time buses and real access.
Downstate agencies are slated to receive recurring operating support—less than advocates sought, but meaningful if we turn dollars into reliability: evening/weekend routes for shift workers, rural microtransit for small towns, stronger paratransit for seniors and people with disabilities, and clear on‑time performance targets published monthly. When buses are reliable, people keep more of what they earn (fewer missed shifts, less car dependence).

D. Grow the tax base the practical way.
Our edge is logistics, advanced manufacturing, healthcare, and energy. Stabilizing Chicagoland transit supports statewide supply chains and intercity access to jobs and care. I’ll pair that with apprenticeships, community‑college fast lanes, and site‑readiness grants tied to job creation—for growth you can see in Madison County and across District 111. That’s base growth for real families, not a press release.

E. Publish the receipts on “efficiency.”
Republicans raised concerns about transparency. I’ll sponsor a “Show the Savings” statute requiring every agency to publish efficiency memos, timelines, and dollar targets—then report quarterly on progress. If there’s duplication, we cut it—and we show our work to taxpayers. (If Rep. Elik wants transparency, let’s pass it together.)

A direct invitation to Rep. Elik

Representative Elik, if “affordability” is more than a talking point, then join me on three immediate bills:

  1. Property‑Tax Relief + EBF Boost — targeted relief paired with state school‑funding increases and pension buy‑down tools to lower local levies over time. Families feel property taxes first; let’s fix that first.

  2. Downstate Transit Reliability Act — tie a portion of operating support to on‑time performance, evening/weekend coverage, and paratransit response times, published monthly so riders see results.

  3. Road Fund Transparency Guardrails — quarterly IDOT dashboards showing project schedules and any impacts linked to the transit law’s revenue shifts, with corrective options on the record.

Let’s deliver outcomes—not slogans.

Bottom line

Telling people to move across a river is not a policy. Lowering the costs families actually face—property taxes, unreliable commutes, and “surprise” fees—is. We avoided a broad statewide tax hike in 2025’s biggest fiscal challenge; now we must tackle the property‑tax driver, protect Downstate infrastructure, and grow jobs you can see and count.

That’s the work I will do in Springfield. That’s what responsible government looks like—for Downstate Illinois.

Rosetta “Rosie” Brown

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